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Nouvelles en bref

RDC: Une initiative délibérée du gouvernement continue à faire des victimes inutiles.

VirungaNews

23/05/12

 

personnes_deplacees.jpgLes contres vérités sur la situation militaire dans le territoire de Rutshuru, en province du Nord-Kivu se trouvent loin de convaincre ceux qui observent méticuleusement l’évolution de la situation sur terrain. En effet Kinshasa qui prétend mener son offensive pour capturer le général Bosco Ntaganda semble le chercher en sens inverse pendant que le Wanted-Terminator se la coule douce dans sa ferme de Bunyole, située en territoire de Masisi (Nord-Kivu).  

 
RDC: Gen. Ntaganda is only a pawn in a wider game.

Joseph Rwagatare

07/05/12

 

When strangers wail louder than the bereaved, you must be on your guard. Something is not quite right. They are hiding something, probably some involvement in the cause of the bereavement. Or they are plotting something sinister against the grieving people or their neighbours.

The wailing is very often unnaturally loud that it must surely be contrived. Other times it is so vicious you can’t distinguish between the loud cries and baying for blood.

This seems to have been the case in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in the last several weeks.

 
RDC: Kinshasa impose une nouvelle guerre face à la revendication des mutins du Kivu.

El Memeyi Murangwa

07/05/12

makenga_sultani.jpgContrairement aux déclarations rusées du général FARDC, Didier Etumba, de suspendre les opérations militaires contre la mutinerie, Joseph Kabila est décidé à en découdre avec les mutins qui en majorité sont des ex-militaires du Congrès national pour la défense du peuple, mouvement politico-militaire qui dans un récent passé n’a cessé de donner du fil à retordre à la garde prétorienne de Kabila présentée au front comme l’armée de la république.

 
RDC: 80 nouvelles défections de soldats ex-rebelles, dont un proche de Ntaganda.

AFP

04/5/12

 

GOMA (RDCongo) - Environ 80 soldats de l'armée congolaise ont fait défection jeudi dans l'est de la RDC, dont le colonel Sultani Makenga, qui fut adjoint du général Bosco Ntaganda dans l'ex-rébellion du Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP), a-t-on appris de source militaire.

Le colonel Makenga et le lieutenant-colonel Masozera ont fait défection dans la nuit de jeudi avec leurs hommes, dans la ville de Goma, capitale de la province instable du Nord-Kivu (est) frontalière avec le Rwanda, a déclaré à l'AFP un commandant des Forces armées (FARDC).

Nous avons récupéré 80 tenues avec bottines dans le cimetière du quartier Bujovu, a indiqué cette source, qui a requis l'anonymat.

Le général Ntaganda était numéro 2 du CNDP, et le colonel Makenga était son adjoint dans cette rébellion intégrée en 2009 dans l'armée.

 
RDC: L’irresponsabilité du gouvernement central à la base de l’insécurité grandissante au Kivu.

El Memeyi Murangwa

5/03/12

fardc.jpgDe par la volonté des dirigeants irresponsables, le Kivu est entrain de vivre une situation de plus confuse engendrée par le non-paiement de la solde aux militaires et le non-respect des engagements exprimés à travers le communiqué rendu public le 16 janvier 2009 et  l’accord politique signé à Goma le 23 mars 2009. Le processus de paix semble revenir à la case départ,  et cette fois ci l’agresseur n’est autre que l’Agent payeur (Gouvernement).

Une armée chosifiée

L’armée nationale de la RDC, connue sous le diminutif «  FARDC » jadis fierté de l’Afrique Centrale se trouve être la plus misérable du continent africain.  Réduite en une bande des pilleurs et violeurs attitrés, les militaires congolais vivent sur le dos d’une population paupérisée par une classe dirigeante préoccupée plus à mener une vie ostentatoire avec les revenus de l’Etat. 

 
Ranks of child soldiers swell again in Congo. Print

By Scott Baldauf

19/09/07

 

Kitchanga, Congo - The prisoners are huddled in a classroom, on display for journalists visiting the rebels led by Gen. Laurent Nkunda. The setting is appropriate, because half of these soldiers are boys who should be in school but have been pressed into war. Fourteen-year-old Bahati Mugisha, a soldier with a Hutu militia, says he was told in early September that he was going to join the Congolese Army. Instead, he was thrown into a fierce battle against Tutsi neighbors in the district of Ngunga, and was captured just days ago, on Sept. 9.

"[T]hey told us we were going to fight the Tutsis," says Bahati, speaking in the presence of a rebel intelligence officer. "I'm 14, but there are many boys younger than me. It's hard to know how many died in battle, but I saw two who died."

 

Nowhere has the use of child soldiers been as pernicious as in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. But in the past three years of relative peace, militia groups as well as the Army were starting to send their adult soldiers into an integrated Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the FARDC, and to send their child soldiers home to their families. But a recent bout of fighting – a tangled conflict of local ethnic militias, Rwandan rebels, and the Congolese Army – is putting that progress at risk. Untold hundreds and even thousands of young boys and girls are being forced to rejoin the fight, or to fight for the first time in a war that few of them understand.

"Over the years, thousands and thousand of children have been returned to their families, but all those efforts are in jeopardy right now with the recent fighting," says Pernille Ironside, protection officer for UNICEF in Goma, Congo. "We're at the brink of taking a major step backward in something that we were beginning to see moving in the right direction."

Ethnicity, resources drive conflict

Congo's ethnic diversity and incredible potential wealth are two of the main driving forces behind the phenomenon of child soldiers. With more than 200 ethnic groups, communities defend themselves by sending every able son into battle. With almost endless mineral resources of tin, gold, diamonds, cobalt, and coltan (a key component in making cellphones and computer gadgets), the economic stakes are high to control access to those mineral resources – by force, if necessary.

This recent window of peace, following the five-year-long Congolese civil war that toppled the dictatorship of President Mobutu Sese Seko in 1997, allowed aid workers to reverse the trend. In the eastern province of North Kivu alone, 8,500 children formerly associated with armed groups were sent home. Most were noncombatants, used as porters to carry ammunition and food. Some were untrained infantrymen. Perhaps most troubling are the untold thousands of girls who have been kidnapped and forced to become sex slaves for rebel commanders.

"It has to do with the scale of the conflict and with the involvement of so many different groups," says Ms. Ironside. "There are not just two groups. There are scores of groups, each with its own constituency, and the central economic drive of survival attracts people to fighting, both adults and children. They are not going to school; they are not eating; and the power associated with being a member of an armed group may allow them to get something they can't get otherwise."

Everyone uses child soldiers


All armed groups make use of child soldiers, says Ironside, but some, such as the FARDC, are demobilizing children, while others, such as the Mai Mai, a militia of Congolese Hutus to which Bahati belonged, draw nearly half their forces from child conscripts.

Many of the young fighters are attracted by the simple yet racist slogans about defending their ethnic community. Twagirayesu, one of the older soldiers at 19 years of age, says he joined the CNDP of Tutsi commander General Nkunda as a young teenager but defected to the Mai Mai militia of General La Fontaine three months ago when he was told that Nkunda's people were killing his own Hutu people.

"We were told that the CNDP were killing a lot of our people, so I left to join the Mai Mai," he says. After being sent to fight "against the Tutsis," he was captured Sept. 9 at Ngunga, and remains in a CNDP prison here in the town of Kitchanga.

One of the captured FARDC officers, Lt. Mapendo Faustin, says he disapproves of recruiting children as soldiers. Of the militias, he says, "They are stupid to recruit young boys. They can't be soldiers. They can't do what is normal for a man to do.

"But in a war where every ethnic group is fighting for its very survival, there seems to be no end in sight for child recruitment.

Seventeen-year-old Noel Ruabirinda, a wispy thin kid with a baby face who avoids eye contact, joined the Rwandan rebel group FDLR in 2003 at the age of 13. He traveled to Congo to be with his father, who had been a member of the FDLR, the armed group led by Rwandan Hutu extremists who carried out the genocide of 1994 that killed some 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus in Rwanda.

But when Noel arrived, his father fled back to Rwanda, and Noel was forced to become a soldier in his father's place.

"When I was in the refugee camps here in Congo, I knew that the Tutsi is my enemy, and my father told me we have to fight the Tutsi wherever he is," says Noel.

He was not a porter but a fighter, he says, and in early September, Noel was sent by his commanders to fight in a battle he couldn't win. On his side, there were two companies of some 200 soldiers commanded by FARDC officers. His enemy, the CNDP, had a battalion of nearly 500.

"I got my weapons and ammo from the government, and then we were told we had to fight the Tutsi," he says.

He grows silent. "Since I have been captured, I feel like the Tutsis are like my parents. They keep me safe. They don't strike us. They feed us and give us clothes." It's much better treatment than he received from the FDLR, he says. In four years, he's never been paid.

As dusk falls in Kitchanga, a town without electricity, the young boys are marched off to the barracks. There, they will spend another night as prisoners of war. 

 

 

 

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Copyright (C) 2007 Alain Georgette / Copyright (C) 2006 Frantisek Hliva. All rights reserved.





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